Toma Nikolić putem Dačića!?

Za evropsku zajednicu je na pravnoj snazi samo ono što je sa njihove strane podpisano. Amandmane nije EU podpisala niti će ih ikad podpisati pa prema tome sve što se dopiše tom ugovoru biće za EU bez ikakve pravne vrednosti. To su već nagovestili neki EU funkcioneri. Možda će se ti amandmani protumačiti kao neka želja koja će se primiti do znanja a koje će za za njih biti bez pravne vrednosti jer to nisu podpisali dočim će naš potpis biti tumačen kao potvrda njihovog podpisa. Bez obzira šta se dopisuje ranije podpisani ugovor potvrdjuje novi podpis pa ma šta dopisivali pa i amadmane koje druga strana nije podpisala. I ti amadmani prave od gotovog veresiju. Pored toga je krajnje nemoralno sebe trpati u tu EU koja nije našla za shodno da se izvine Rusiji zbog nanetih žrtava ruskim mirovnjacima od strane njhovog štićenika i vazala. Očekujemo od Rusije da nam sačuva Kosovo i više od toga a umesto zahvalnosti i solidarnosti trpamo se u naručje njihovim i našim NATO zlotvorima koji su nas bombardovali, ubijali i ponižavali a koji sprema svoj pohod na Rusiju kako bi je rasturio poput Jugoslavije i sada Srbije samo da bi bili gospodari ruskog gasa i nafte. Umesto solidarnosti udara se nož u ledja Rusima! Sramota je to nad sramotama. Od Nikolića sam se najmanje nadao da će pogaziti svoja načela i poći putem „nemoralnog“ Dačića.

Dušan Nonković

JATRAS: Kosovo prelude to Georgia? – dostavio Mile Nikolić

Also read, „US Military trained Georgia’s commandoes,“ (Financial Times – UK)

JATRAS: Kosovo prelude to Georgia?

James George Jatras
Sunday, September 7, 2008

AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE/GETTY IMAGES Bishop Amfilohije Radovic (left) and Serbian Minister for Kosovo Slobodan Samardzic attend the inaugural session of the Kosovo Serbs‘ parliament in Mitrovica, created in defiance of Kosovo’s U.N. administrators and the ethnic-Albanian government.


In anticipation of Russian President Dmitry Medvedev’s recognition of the independence of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, President Bush said „Georgia’s territorial integrity and borders must command the same respect as every other nation’s.“

Critics of Russia’s action include Sens. Barack Obama, Joseph Biden and Joseph Lieberman; Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice; former United Nations Ambassador Richard Holbrooke; and many others in the bipartisan establishment.

Among the specific criticisms are Russia’s violation of the sovereign territory of Georgia, a fledgling democracy and a member of the United Nations; a disproportionate response to Georgian President Mikhail Saakashvili’s attempt to settle South Ossetia’s status by force, including Russian military operations well outside of South Ossetia; and Moscow’s tardiness in withdrawing its forces under a deal brokered by French President Nicolas Sarkozy.

Evidently irony is not much appreciated in Washington. It seems critics have forgotten President Bush’s recognition of the independence of Kosovo, a province of democratic, U.N. member Serbia. President Bush’s reference to „every other nation“ whose „territorial integrity and borders must command the same respect“ apparently has at least this one exception. If he can violate the United Nations Charter and the Helsinki Final Act, which guarantee sovereign borders, what right does he have to accuse others of doing the same?

If Moscow stepped over the line in its crushing military response to Mr. Saakashvili’s offensive, what do we call 78 straight days of NATO’s bombing throughout Serbia, destroying most of that country’s civilian infrastructure? If Russia is to be faulted for imperfect implementation of the Sarkozy agreement, what can be said about Washington’s violation of U.N. Security Council Resolution 1244, which ended the 1999 Kosovo war and reaffirms Serbian sovereignty in the province?

The standard reasons cited for making Serbia an exception to the rule we demand in Georgia is that NATO intervened to stop genocide of Kosovo’s Albanians and that they will never again accept being part of Serbia. But after the war actual casualties among all ethnic groups – whether by military action, atrocities committed by both Serbs and Albanians, and the toll of NATO’s bombing – proved to be far fewer than those cited in justification for the war. Compared to South Ossetia’s much smaller population, mutual accusations of genocide against South Ossetians and Georgians, respectively, are proportionally larger than those at issue in Kosovo. And are South Ossetians and Abkhazians less adamant that they will not submit to Tbilisi’s rule than Kosovo’s Albanians are with respect to Belgrade?

It also should be kept in mind that Kosovo’s legal status is very different from that of entities in the former Soviet Union. Under the Yugoslav constitution – the same authority that justified the secession of Croatia, Slovenia, etc. – Kosovo, part of Serbia since before Yugoslavia was formed, has no legal claim to independence. In contrast, the 1990 Soviet law on secession – which was the legal basis of the independence of Union Republics such as Georgia – required that autonomous entities within their borders be allowed, via referenda, to remain in the Soviet Union, and by extension its successor, Russia.

Thus, while Kosovo’s status as part of Serbia is unquestionable, South Ossetia and Abkhazia can make a good case they were part of Soviet Georgia but never the current independent state of Georgia. (The same would apply to Transdniestria with respect to Moldova and Nagorno-Karabakh with respect to Azerbaijan. When will they follow suit?)

By trashing the accepted international „rules of the road“ on Kosovo, Washington has created what amounts to the rules of the jungle. Each power acts as it will, either to suppress restive minorities or to compromise other countries‘ borders: The United States tries to force Serbia to accept Kosovo’s independence and pressures other countries (without much success) to recognize it; Georgia tries to subdue the Ossetians and the Abkhazians and fails; Russia moves to establish the Ossetians‘ and Abkhazians‘ independence and now also will try to secure wider recognition. In turn, the U.S.-supported separatist Kosovo Albanian administration itself threatens a miniature version of Mr. Saakashvili’s South Ossetia offensive to subdue Serbian enclaves, where the remaining one-third of the province’s prewar community finds refuge. Where does the logic of „big fish eat little fish“ end?

In Kosovo, Washington sowed the wind, and now Georgia has reaped the whirlwind. Only a return to the negotiating table to address comprehensively Kosovo, South Ossetia, Abkhazia and similar trouble spots elsewhere can prevent this malignant precedent from spinning further out of control with incalculable consequences for global peace and security. With each step down this road it will be harder to put the genie of might-makes-right back in the bottle.

James George Jatras is a lawyer and director of the American Council for Kosovo in Washington, an activity of Squire Sanders Public Advocacy, LLC, and Global Strategic Communications Group, which are registered agents for the Serbian National Council of Kosovo and Metohija. Mr. Jatras formerly served as a foreign policy analyst of the U.S. Senate Republican leadership.

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Bush’s hypocrisy – dostavio, Mile Nikolić


Bush’s hypocrisy.

Monday, September 08, 2008

Immediately after the beginning of the Russo-Georgian conflict, President Bush ignored the brutal attack on South Ossetia ordered by Georgian president Saakashvili and stated that the United States stands for the territorial integrity of Georgia with regard to that breakaway province.

In the case of Serbia’s territorial integrity regarding Kosovo, President Bush not only recognized the jihadist government of former Kosovo Liberation Army commander, Hashim Thaci, but welcomed this terrorist into the White House, as did Condoleezza Rice. To add insult to injury, President Bush has plans to send more of our taxpayers‘ dollars to support Thaci’s corrupt government.

In a story that rivals Mary Shelly’s Frankenstein, Hashim Thaci, President Bush’s ally, has been implicated in a shocking scheme that harvested body parts of young Serbian soldiers in 1999. In her book, The Hunt: Me and War Criminals, the former chief prosecutor at the Hague, Carla del Ponte, writes of the victims who were deprived of a kidney, then locked up again inside the barracks until the moment they were killed for other vital organs. In this way, the other prisoners were aware of the fate that awaited them and, according to the source, pleaded, terrified to be killed immediately.

But then, they were only Serbs.

— STELLA L. JATRAS, Wormleysburg

Evidence of Kosovo atrocities committed by Muslims:

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Diskusije u „Politika Online“ o Tomi Nikoliću

ljuba vrnjci , 07/09/2008, 23:42

Bravo Tadicu!Razbio si SPS,pa DSS i sad SRS!Sjajno,cestitam samo napred u EU!

Sveta , 08/09/2008, 00:29

Nikolic je jedan kulturan covek i verujem da ima dosta pristalica u stranki, a ako bi osnovao sa Majom Gojkovic novu stranku, pridobio bi jos i Vukovih i Veljinih pristalica.Ovo sta radi Seselj i ti njegovi stvarno nije u redu. Pretiti coveku i njegovoj porodici je zaista veoma bedno. Dno dna.

Žarko , 08/09/2008, 00:46

A Vučić …… Znači, opravdano odsutan sa Konferencije za štampu…

Nikola Delibasic, 08/09/2008, 03:57

Pogledajte ovaj trojac na fotografiji. S leva na desno ova zena levo lici na placenog ubicu, gospodin u sredini ne odaje utisak da je navikao da nosi odelo a kamoli da mu isto stoji a poslednja osoba desno najpre lici na nekoga ko ne bi trazio nikaku nadoknadu za bilo kakvo zlodelo. Pobogu.

Andrej, Kijev , 08/09/2008, 06:32

Nikolic je dobro uradio. Bice jaci ako ne odlucuje. Ne treba da osniva nikakvu stranku. Kada se Voja vrati, nema problema da se dogovore. Neka stranku do tog vremena vodi Vucko, a Todorovic posl klub, jer Vucic nije poslanik

Velibor Ilić, 08/09/2008, 07:24

Da li se to u Beogradu snima novi Felinijev film? …

vesa , 08/09/2008, 09:20

Pozdrav za Tomu i cestitam na mudroj i pametnoj odluci..SRBIJA zbog ovoga sigurno nece propasti a SRS i te kako ce bogami …..

Maganik , 08/09/2008, 09:41

Ako im stvarno ovo nije Šešelj naredio iz Haga, onda su Todorović, Mirčić i skupštinske narikače izvršili puč U SRS. Ali čisto sumnjam.

Dišan Nonković, 08/09/2008, 10:22

Zar nije Maja bila ta koja je konkurisala Nikoliću pa čak i birače pozvala da ga se ne bira na izborima…? Pa zato je i izključena iz SRS! Kakva je to mašta o ujedinjenju Maje i Nikolića. Baba snila što joj milo bilo. Tu u ovoj situaciji rasula pomaže samo jedno a to je osnovati novu stranku od poverenja matice i dijaspore. Ja mislim da je konkretno na pomolu nova stranka koja će se zvati; Stranka ujedinjennja dijaspore i Matice Sveobuhvatne skraćeno napisano SUDIMO-mnogo simbolike, zar ne!



Aleksandar Lukić: JASPIS, Narodna knjiga, Beograd, 2007.

Kada se dobro raspoloženi čitalac zamisli, čak bolje i sugestivnije od vrlog iskusnog kritičara, nad nevelikom pesničkom knjigom, kakvu mu je, pod naslovom Jaspis, ponudio Aleksandar Lukić (1957), koji je U vagonu Rozanova (KOS, Beograd, 1986), sjajnim pesničkim prvencem, iz svog rodnog mišljenovačkog nebuha, ispleo venac prestižne Brankove nagrade, onda ne čudi što, nije, nimalo, lak pisani, ili kritičko-esejistički, prevod te zamišljenosti. Pogotovo u vremenu, kada, gotovo, iz svakog grada Srbije, bez obzira na vreme i mandat godišnjih doba, sa sve četri njene strane sveta, pa i iz njenih svetih manastira, fabrika zejtina i stranih banaka, pljušte pesničke nagrade. I dodeljuju se, po pravilu, skoro uvek, istim pesnicima, tradicionalno poznatim pretplatnicima i pretplaćenicima na ružno lovorovo lišće, koje oni besramno slažu u ružnim herbarijima još ružnije prakse delilaca pesničkih odličja. Samozvanih, i još samoproklamovanijih, književnih sudija. Izbačenih iz sveta mašte i deportovani u čistilište obogaljenih žirija da makar u njima spoznaju nabeđenost sopstvene male duše u čiju su praznost tragično utamničeni.
Lukićev Jaspis, u duhu neprozirnog poludragog tvrdog kamena, najčešće crvene, žute, ili mrke boje, ironički mineralizuje metaforu jednog takvog stanja poezije. Njen napušteni kalcedon. I neporecivu oksimoronsku ”etiku” egzistencije njene “estetike”, kako je to, na jednom mestu, svojim vrcavim jezikom izrekao slavno-slavni H. L. Borhes. A, čiju “veselu mumiju” neovlašćeno čuvaju nepristojni “vampirovići” u sumornom potpalublju piratskog “brodu ludaka”. I ne daju joj da oživi, čak ni u “legendama o Ramondama”. U kojima se Lukić odvažio za početak pisanja po-etičkih komentara. Amblema tajnog pisma sveta. I nesveta. Koje lista vetar iz “dvotačke”Vislave Šimborske. I nadovezuje ga na sve njegove prethodne i potonje pesničke rukopise. Na “bibliju” zapisa u kojima su, kako to autor neskrivajuće samo- ističe, “stihovi veza sa bogovima i vremenom, sa Padom i dvostrukim motorima, sa govorom maslina i parobroda, sa cijukom tek okoćenih mišića”. A, pesnik sa čovekom nalik voću, koji: cveta, rađa i zri, traga za mestom na kome će da umre. Za Josifovim nezgrapnim i pustim domom. U čiji strašni užas vremena po lepoti, samo, osmeleli pesnik može da uđe. I potraži svoj jaspis: crtež u vazduhu, violinu, polumesec, mlivo znamenje – tragova. Točak. Ptice dok nasrću na prostore ekonomija. Pepeo predela u naletu prisutnosti. Mene kroz koje prolezi vreme”. Gust sirup budućeg kalendara. I ulogu gledanja iz citirane Lukićeve pesme Pena leda.
I gle, kako slobodni pesnik Aleksandar Lukić maestralno uočava da je u toj ulozi hipnotička suština saznanja, po kome je zadatak umetnosti tehnika crtanje torza “pene leda” onih, koji su u nju, sa alkama u nosevima i instrumentima na leđima, sabili i zatočili ljubav. U hipotetičkom crtežu smrti zatečene na putu. Na bilo kom putu “večnosti rođene na đubrištu» istorije vaseljene. U sveprisutnosti nečeg što je ikad bilo oko čoveka. Juče i danas. Kao da se ništa nije dogodilo u njenom podrumu. U kome biljka, kako to Lukić likovno i poentilistički naglašava, nastavlja da cveta i rađa, zri, kao da nije premeštana sa namenjenog joj mesta u dvorištu. Odakle je pelcer, iako ne postoji njegova pouzdana povest, stigao u «naš kraj». Donesen, posle kakvog poraza, umesto plena, u rukama nepoznatih vojnika. Koje su tokom rata očekivali. Siti plaža po kojima su logorovali. Siti čitanja knjiga ispisanih na kožama kupača. Sudbine, iskustva, istine i dileme Lukićevih “kalemara” prilog su tvrdnji po kojoj poezija nije manje besmrtna od duše. I njene zamršene ontologije. Od sposobnosti jezika i čula pojedinačnog duha da se shvati senzacija, da u “snazi poezije, ili u poeziji snage čovek obitava u budnom duhu – koji nema početka ni kraja, te da poezija ne čeka vragove, niti da neko povuče zavesu vremena». Ni da golišavi pilići u gnezdu dobiju krila. Ni velikog čistača prašine i ustajalosti. Po Lukiću jedino je Poezija čistač, pa zato pesnik u njoj, i oko nje, ne treba da traži bolje zanimanje od onog koje je zaista proživeo, što je dovoljno za pisca suštinske de-konstrukcije. I to, bezobzira, na terete transcedentalnih udela i refleksija.
Da poezija ima nepresušne izvore, koje treba iznova otkriva, Lukić je u svojoj lirskoj jaspis kolekciji sugestivno iscrtao njihovu toponimsku mapu. Sa atlasom nervnog sistema. Čije grane, s vremena na vreme, šiknu, kao živo vrelo i brze strele, iz same utrobe zemlje. Donoseći kamenje i pesak i zlatno zrnevlje našeg naličja. Na tom putu probiće se i iz razobručenog hrama slike. A, ako je ne čuješ, savetuje Lukić, ne mari, jer će ona stići u nevremenu. I prineti iz tame opise golih devica. Crveno ugljevlje naših lica na ravnim pločama talasa. Sa vilicama kostiju, koji jedu jedni druge. I ne uzdaju se u život posle smrti. Ne hajući, nasred neisparcelisanog tesnog dvorišta, za poredak mrtvih stvari, svijaju se uz korov. Pored bokala sa gustim sirupom budućeg kalendara. Čas crvene, a čas žute, ili mrke boje, kao jaspis. Poezije od ovog sveta. U kome još dišu neki Lukići, koji se, poput aleksandrijskih i miroslavljevih šibljika, naglo ironično javljaju da bi objavili svetu prednost robovanju idejama. Dramaturgiju ironije, koja se rađa i umire, kao Poezija Poezije. Kao Poezija Matematike. Kao život premrežen baj-pasovima lažne nade o mogućnostima novih nepresušnih početaka. I nastavaka. Tobože umešanih u zemaljske stvari I njihove kodekse ponašanja..
Zato za Lukića, kako to suptilno primećuje Vasa Pavković u svom bestselerskom osvrtu na njegov Jaspis, nikada nije bilo važno da pesma bude cela i lepa, koliko da cela služi umetničkoj i ljudskoj istini. Njegovog užasavanja od ratobornog jezika Arkadije. U kojoj, po njemu, heroji revolucije kisnu obučeni u zaleđene kapute bronze, I ničemu se ne nadaju, osim da ih vreme može odneti na đubrište, ili u spalionice i topionice gde bi iscureli na brzinu. A, posle svega dobili drugačiji izgled. Koji je za njih važniji od svega. Kao gimnastika za pozorište.
Sa gorčinom zapisuje Lukić u pesmi Biti moderan – da u gradu, u ma kom gradu, među trubama auspuha, centru državnog logora, deluju pisci. Da bubuljice njihovih naturenih stihova, sa neizostavnim posvetama, niču kod anonimne vojske, odnosno, kao tzv. horsko pesničko izražavanje.I da njihov direktan pečat, ploveće ostrvo – podgorica na vodi, čeka strogo na one, koji znaju da je malo umetnika i pesnika, koji shvataju svoju ulogu. I svest o tome da su različiti. Da je lekovit svaki trenutak u kome fenomenološki pospešuju različitost, pa čak i onda, kada ona nije cela i lepa, koliko treba, da parafraziram Vasu Pavkovića, da služi sebi.
Ispevan u metričkom i strofarnom kaišu, Lukićev Jaspis sa pesmama-monolozima, ne podeljenim u ciklusne fahove, sa svojim kritičko-filozofskim distonacijama, zagovara raspravu o iskustvu «od oca do sina «, te onu vrstu ličnog jezičkog presinga, retorički rasutog po svemu, što nije uniformno i različito u dvorištu Josifovog doma sa modernim ogradama. I opsadom kolonijama nepočinstava besprizornika, koji su se, kao i geometri, umešali u zemaljske stvari. I stvari poezije. A, kada bi neko od njih, sa deliocima nagrada, mogao da prhne među zvezde,ili, predele anđela, drugačija bi se pesma pisala. I crtali njeni pejsaži. Možda baš onakva, čije je pisanje testirao Aleksandar Lukić u svom zamišljenom Jaspisu, jednoj od najboljih prošlogodišnjih pesmozbirki u Srbiji. Knjizi, nad kojom će se morati zamisliti aktuelni delioci književnih nagrada i priznanja.


WARSZAWA/BERLIN – „Zug der Erinnerung“

Newsletter vom 08.09.2008 – Steigender Pegel

WARSZAWA/BERLIN (Eigener Bericht) – Angesichts zunehmender Rasse- und
Kriegspropaganda rufen deutsche Bürgerinitiativen zu einem „Bund der
Generationen“ auf. Die europaweite Vernetzung nationalistischer und
rechtsextremer Milieus, die schwere Wirtschaftskrise sowie
Versäumnisse systematischer Erinnerungsarbeit würden dazu beitragen,
dass der „Pegel rassistischer Gewalt“ ständig steige, heißt es in dem
aktuellen Positionspapier der Initiatoren. Trotz zahlreicher
staatlicher Programme gingen antisemitische Angriffe in der
Bundesrepublik und in den Nachbarstaaten weiter. Die Autoren schlagen
vor, dem „Verleugnen und Vergessen in unseren Gesellschaften“ vor
breiter Öffentlichkeit entgegenzutreten und ein praktisches Bündnis
zwischen den letzten Überlebenden der deutschen Ausrottungspolitik
sowie den heutigen Generationen zu schließen. Angekündigt wird eine
enge Zusammenarbeit mit ehemaligen Deportierten, unter anderem aus
Polen. Für das Bündnis soll der „Zug der Erinnerung“ auf seiner
kommenden Fahrt durch Deutschland werben. Auch Stationen in den
Nachbarländern sind vorgesehen.


D&FA 8-31-96 I-FOR, Karadzic immunity

D&FA 8-31-96 I-FOR, Karadzic immunity

Defense & Foreign Affairs Strategic Policy, August 31, 1996

En Clair

I-FOR Peaks At 53,000 And Now Declines

The NATO-led „Implementation Force“ (I-FOR), created to provide a 60,000-man multinational force to police the Dayton-Paris Peace Accords on Bosnia-Herzegovina, signed in late 1995, never reached its force total and is already declining in numbers at a significant rate. The force was due to remain in situ in Bosnia-Herzegovina until the end of 1996, but, after reaching a force level of only 53,000, is now shedding troops, mainly US forces. The US was to have provided 20,000 of the 60,000 men, but never reached its stated goal; the UK has provided 13,000 troops.

Dissent is already mounting between the participating states of the I-FOR force, mainly over plans by US President William Clinton to use I-FOR to stage „spectacular“ incidents which would boost his image just before the November 1996 Presidential elections in the US.

Details were leaked in late July to Washington DC-based British journalist James Adams, from The Sunday Tunes, to the effect that Pres. Clinton had ordered preparation of an operation by the US Delta Force special operations team to stage a dramatic seizure of the former President of Republika Srpska – the Serbian state within Bosnia-Herzegovina – Mr Radovan Karadzic. Once „arrested“ by US forces, Mr Karadzic would be taken to the Hague to be tried as a „war criminal“ for alleged activities during the recent and ongoing Bosnia-Herzegovina civil war.

The leak was apparently made to James Adams because he has often benefited in the past from leaks from the US national security community. This time, according to reliable sources, the leaks came indirectly from the UK Government, which was horrified at the Clinton plan. As it transpired, the British were not alone.

The Chairman of the US Joint Chiefs of Staff, Gen. John Shalikashvili, strenuously opposed the White House on the plan. Gen. Shalikashvili has always been supportive of Mr Clinton, who put him in the job, in a manner seen as going beyond normal obedience to the Commander-in-Chief. On this occasion, however, he fully supported the Chief of the UK Defence Staff, Field Marshal Sir Peter Inge, who – in addition to commenting on the foolhardy nature of the proposed snatch – also made it clear that Britain would not provide requested Special Air Service (SAS) special forces assets to support such an operation.

Mr Karadzic had been promised immunity from seizure by US I-FOR forces in return for agreeing to US special envoy Richard Holbrooke recently that he would step down from the Republika Srpska presidency and not contest the forthcoming elections in Bosnia-Herzegovina.

The Clinton White House remains convinced, however, that a spectacular special forces operation would make Mr Clinton seem decisive against a target whom the White House feels enjoys especial repugnance among the US population. This would augur well during an election campaign when Mr Clinton’s record as an anti-war protester and draft dodger were likely to re-emerge.
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Defense & Foreign Affairs Strategic Policy is published by the International Strategic Studies Association (ISSA), Alexandria VA 22320.