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Duhovske zadušnice
Draga braco i sestre, u pravoslavnom svetu u nedelju 15. juna se slavi treći po značaju praznik, posle Uskrsa i Božića
Draga braco i sestre,
Srecan vam praznik
u 12.00 casova –
Predavanje prote Save B. Jovica na temu: Srpska pravoslavna crkva i srpski narod na Kosovu i Metohiji danas
Prota Savo Jovic je glavni sekretar Svetog arhijerejskog sinoda Srpske pravoslavne crkve a objavio je mnogo knjiga medju kojima i „Etnicko ciscenje i kulturni genocid na Kosovu i Metohiji“ ( Svedocanstvo o stradanju Srpske pravoslavne crkve i srpskog naroda od 1945. do 2005. godine ); Sveti Ispovednik Varnava Episkop Hvostanski; Hristov Svetosavac Mihailo Pupin; Utamnicena crkva; itd.
u 13.00 casova –
nasa parohijanka Jelena Boskovic prikazace slike ( na velikom platnu ) koje je sama napravila prosle godine na Kosovu i Metohiji i govoriti nam o onome sto je ona tom prilikom dozivela
Posni rucak: Pastrmka sa rostilja i drugi posni specijaliteti
u 15.00 casova – u Hramu Sv. Save – Blagodarenje na kraju skolske godine
u 15.30 casova – Priredba ( u velikoj sali ) koju izvode skloska deca Srpske skole pri Hramu Sv. Save
Dobro nam dosli !
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IRCI ODBILI EVROPSKI UGOVOR – POSLE FRANCUZA POKAZAO JE I IRSKI NAROD DA NE ŽELI BITI TALAC KOJEKAKVIH LOBIISTA I DA MU JE VAŽNIJI SUVERENITET SVOJE ZEMLJE
Irci su glasali protiv interesa Evrope. Sa ovim plebiscitom je dokazao irski narod da mu je važniji suverenitet svoje zemlje od takozvane Evropske unije protežirane od ne prozirnih lobiista za koje se nezna za čije interese na kraju krajeva rade. Tu nisu pomogla niti medena obećavanja niti pretnja izključivanja iz evropske zajednice.
Kamo sreće da se naši političari ugledaju na Irce pa da ne srljaju glavom bez obzira u tu Evropu koja počiva u suštini na lobiistima i uz dlaku Amerike umesto na demokratiji i socijalnoj pravdi. A i Poljska se bunila što ima, u EU parlamentu, manje poslanika od Nemačke koja je u drugom svetskom ratu decimirala poljski narod pa je sad u EU parlamentu slabije zastupljena. Što god je manji broj poslanika stim je i dotična zemlja slabije zastupljena a pored toga po prirodi ima i manje lobiista u EU parlamentu a stim i manje koristi od te zajednice. Irski narod je pokazao da ne želi da svoju sudbinu poveri drugima pa ni EU a pogotovo ne takvima poput Solane i kompanije njemu sličnih. Mnogi su i ranije pokušavali staviti ceo evropski narod pod svoju čizmu ali kako je to istorija potvrdila nije im to pošlo za rukom pa i ovaj takoreci prefinjeni način-šećerom i kandzijom odnosno bombama nemože biti od uspeha. Podjarmivanje manjih naroda neće uroditi plidom i pored sve rafinese i korompiranosti nekih političara. Znam da će me neki smatrati ukletim antievropejcem što ja nisam, to odbaćujem energično od sebe. Ako neko nije za ovakvu EU zasnovanu na sili, nepravdi i protiv volje svog naroda ne znači da sam antievropejac, naprotiv, ja sam za Evropu zasnovanu na socijalnoj pravdi i volji naroda. Tadić govori o nekom prosperitetom samo sa Evropom i pored toga što Srbija ima sve mogućnosti da na osnovu svojeg bogatstva u resursima ostvari svom narodu prosperitet ali to samo pod uslovom svog suvereniteta. Preti se sa nekimblokadama koje više nisu izvodljive ali svako mora znati da će žnjati onako kako je posejao. Dokle god se narod ravna po instinktu straha umesto svesno da se okrene jedinstvu i suverenitetu, biće uvek političara koji će taj strah koristiti za održavanje svoih ličnih interesa. Za Srbiju je pravi put ka svom prospiritetu da povuče pouku iz Irskog plebiscita i krene istim putem. U suprotnom će naš narod biti jeftina radna snaga koja će služiti kao i resursi u prirodnom bogatstvu za igru moćnika na svetskim tržištima što vodi do sve jeftinije radne snage i odliva inteligencije iz manjih zemalja što će selektivno voditi i dalje u dijasporu i pečalbu.
Dušan Nonković
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Aufstockung der Besatzungstruppen in Afghanistan an – Rüstungsunternehmen ziehen immer höhere Gewinne aus dem Krieg
Newsletter vom 13.06.2008 – Kriegsgewinne
DÜSSELDORF/BERLIN (Eigener Bericht) – Berlin kündigt erneut eine
Aufstockung der Besatzungstruppen in Afghanistan an. Wie das
Verteidigungsministerium bestätigt, wird noch vor Beginn der
Sommerpause eine neue Obergrenze für das Bundeswehr-Mandat bekannt
gegeben. Laut Berichten können ab dem Herbst bis zu 4.800 deutsche
Soldaten an den Hindukusch entsandt werden. Das Mandat soll zudem
gleich um zwei Jahre verlängert werden statt wie bisher um eines.
Zugleich ziehen deutsche 1.
September übernimmt die DüsselRüstungsunternehmen immer höhere Gewinne aus
dem Krieg am Hindukusch und aus den Operationen der Bundeswehr. Zum dorfer Rheinmetall AG die Leitung im
Gefechtsübungszentrum des Heeres. Dort werden vor ihrer Entsendung
nach Afghanistan die Bundeswehr-Truppen regelmäßig trainiert; davon
profitiert Rheinmetall mit jeder Mandatsaufstockung mehr. Der Konzern
hat seinen Umsatz im vergangenen Jahr ohnehin schon deutlich
gesteigert, nicht zuletzt aufgrund des Krieges am Hindukusch.
Rheinmetall gehört seit den Zeiten des Kaiserreichs zu den ersten
Adressen der deutschen Rüstungsindustrie und lieferte bereits
Militärgerät für beide Weltkriege.
mehr
http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/fulltext/57269
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Belgrade’s Dilemma: Kosovo or „Europe“
Belgrade’s Dilemma: Kosovo or „Europe“
A month has passed since the parliamentary election of May 11, and Serbia is still without a new government. The new National Assembly was convened briefly on May 10, while the Municipal Council of Belgrade remains paralyzed for at least another month. A new general election, some time in early fall, may prove to be the only way out of the current imbroglio, although no major political party or leader wants to admit that much in public.
For a country like Italy in the 1960s and 1970s, it was perfectly tolerable to have weak and unstable governments that rise and fall every other month because the society could continue to function regardless of what happened in Rome. For Serbia, pressured from all sides, effectively bankrupt, and saddled with the unresolved crisis over Kosovo’s status, a protracted political imbroglio is an unaffordable luxury.
Another election seems to be the preferred scenario of the „pro-European“ coalition let by the Democratic Party (Demokratska stranka, DS) of President Boris Tadic. The DS and its foreign handlers in Brussels and Washington are pleased with its election results. They expect that in another election the DS would increase its share of the vote and thereby create conditions to take power all by itself, or perhaps in coalition with the like-minded, stridently anti-nationalist, pro-Western Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) led by the NED favorite, Cedomir Jovanovic. This may explain the refusal of President Tadic and his allies even to contemplate the possibility of any alternative outcome—such as a „national“ government led by the outgoing Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica—to the current political and constitutional paralysis gripping Serbia.
The outcome of ongoing negotiations aimed at forming the new government is still in doubt, although it looks like the Socialist Party (SPS) and its two smaller allies will join the DS camp, contrary to the wishes of their voters and party rank-and-file. Tadic knows, however, that even if he woos the Socialist Party into his camp, the resulting coalition would not be a stable and enduring one. Tadic is still trying hard to win over to his side the Socialist leader, Ivica Dacic, and—especially—his two smaller allies, Dragan Marković a.k.a. „Palma“ (JS) and the party of retirees (PUPS). But if the ploy does not work, the alternative DS scenario is to engineer a protracted political and constitutional crisis that would last through the summer. and result in another election in late September or early October.
The Radicals (SRS), led by Tomislav Nikolic, and the Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS) of the current Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica, appear unable to develop a counter-strategy that would preempt Tadic’s win-win scenario. They have reached an agreement with the Socialists on sharing power in the City of Belgrade, but even there the outgoing DS-controlled administration has imposed insurmountable roadblocks: the acting DS mayor has set the date for the constitutive City assembly for July 14, obviously hoping that the putative governing coalition in the City Hall can be somehow subverted or sabotaged in the meantime.
It is noteworthy that these games, deeply detrimental to the democratic process, are being played by the party that had spent years demanding „democratic reforms“—although such games are far more reminiscent of the style of governance of Slobodan Milosevic and his cohorts in the 1990s. The ability to accept peaceful change of government in accordance with the clearly defined and universally accepted rules of the game is the basic test of democratic maturity. Over the past month the Democratic Party, and President Boris Tadic personally, have flunked it.
„EUROPE“ OR KOSOVO?—The main point of contention is the attitude of different parties to the issue of „European integration“ in the light of Kosovo’s unilateral proclamation of independence on February 17 and the subsequent recognition of that illegal act by 20 of the 27 member countries of the European Union. The proponents of Euro-integration at any cost claim that this process is not connected with the issue of Kosovo, that a „dual-track“ policy is both possible and desirable. The issue came to a head over the ratification of the Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) between Serbia and the EU that was signed by Deputy Prime Minister Bozidar Djelic (DS) in Luxembourg just before the election, and is now due for parliamentary ratification.
Legal experts belonging to the DSS published a lengthy analysis of the Agreement on May 5, and concluded that the SAA cannot be given to parliament for ratification in its current form. According to Simic, one of the authors of the legal analysis of the SAA, “ in this form, and at this phase of adoption, the Agreement cannot even be annulled because it is devoid of the fundamental premise“ for a contract to exist in a legally binding form—an agreement of intent and an agreement on the meaning of terms between the signatories.
What this means is that Serbian officials believe the agreement with the EU it relates to the whole country—even though it does not apply to Kosovo, at least for the time being—while 20 EU member-states that have recognized Kosovo’s unilateral independence believe that the SAA relates to the Republic of Serbia, that is, rump Serbia without Kosovo. Therefore, according to Simic, „there is no agreement as to who the sides are in the agreement or what they represent: we consider Serbia to mean its entire territory as defined by the UN Charter and the Constitution, while 20 EU countries believe that Serbia is a country without Kosovo.“
Article 135 of the SAA that referred to Kosovo’s status in terms of Resolution 1244 had not been problematic until Kosovo declared independence, and until that illegal act was recognized by 20 EU member-states. Now it presents a huge problem, because Article 135 of the Agreement states that the SAA does not apply to Kosovo, which is under international administration under Resolution 1244, and furthermore that „Kosovo’s current status is not brought into question.“ From the legal point of view, it is evident that there is no „harmony of intent“ between the parties and that, subsequently, the SAA is legally invalid.
If the SAA were sent to the National Assembly for ratification, Serbia would thereby effectively recognize Kosovo’s independence. Each vote for ratification of the SAA would be in flagrant violation of the fundamental provisions of the country’s Constitution which relate to the protection of Serbia’s territorial integrity—which would be a serious crime: a blatant violation of the Constitution. On the other hand, Serbia would have to violate the SAA in its present form in order to respect its own Constitution.
One of the key pillars of the SAA is the insistence on „regional cooperation.“ If Serbia were to ratify the SAA in its current form, it would have to cooperate with all independent countries in the region and that means even Kosovo, according to the thinking of the 20 EU countries that have recognized that putative state. And if a government in Belgrade agrees to cooperate with an independent Kosovo, it would be violating a fundamental provision of its Constitution and disqualify itself from the right to govern.
The rhetoric of President Boris Tadic and his allies continues to promise the squaring of the circle: maintaining Serbia’s claim Kosovo on the one hand, but getting ever closer to the European Union on the other. This is, by now, palpably an impossibility. All key EU leaders have stated, in one form or another, that Serbia would have to chose between retaining its assertion of sovereignty over Kosovo and continuing the process of European integration.
Most Serbs believe that European integration would be good for the country, and generally speaking, the majority look favourably on the EU. At the same time, an even greater majority still believe that Kosovo is an inalienable part of Serbia and that there can be no compromise on this fundamental issue. In various polls, most Serbs have said that they would not give up the title to Kosovo in return for the accelerated prospect of EU membership. This is confirmed in the results of the latest general election: the parties that have campaigned on the „sovereignist“ platform (SRS, DSS-NS, SPS and its allies) have polled the majority of seats, subsequent games and shinenigans notwithstanding.
Even if there is yet another election in late September or early October, the voters‘ dilemma will remain fundamentally the same: Serbia is forced by Brussels and Washington to choose between preserving the valid title to Kosovo, and joining „Europe“ on Western terms—which demands the quiet acceptance of the amputation of Kosovo at first, followed by explicit recognition later. If the EU persists in replacing the United Nations in Kosovo with its own illegal EULEX mission—and Brussels will continue the pressure to that end after June 15—we’ll have another clear sign that the conditions for Serbia’s EU aspirations are not only futile but also demeaning and degrading.
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