Dusan Nonkovic o politici Kostunice i promasajima po pitanju dijaspore

Dusan Nonkovic (dusan.nonkovic@gmx.de), 09.12.2007, 17:58 Politika Online
Svakom mora biti već jednom jasno da je pucanje, odnosno rat, naj losija opcija. Zna se, dok se pregovara da se ne puca i da je lakse podneti hiljadu reči nego jedan metak. Gledano tako, rešavati probleme putem pregovora je sasvim u redu. Sto se tiče „gubljenja vremena“ i tu je jasno da se mora prilagodjavati svojim mogućnostima i potrebama saveznika kojem je bilo potrebno vreme da bi se posle Jelcina osposobila Ruska vojna tehnologija, kako bi Amerikancima proradio sluh. I po tom pitanju je Kostunicina politika u redu.To sto nije u redu je da se potencijali dijaspore ne koriste! Dijaspora je taj potencijal Srbije sa čijim se strukturama ne može ovladati(od strane nemilosrdnog andjela) kao sto je to moguće u zemlji matici, minimalnim zalaganjima NATO-a zaposesti vrhove komandnih centara države Srbije. Na taj način se plasiraju lazi i poluistine koje prikazuju Srbiju na medjunarodnom nivou u negativnom svetlu pa se na osnovu tih manipulisanih vesti obaveštavaju narodi sirom sveta kako bi se dobio mandat pa cak i za krsenje UNO rezolucija. Naj noviji primer takve manipulacije bile su TV-vesti inostranih redakcija koje su na udarnim stranama objavljivale kako na Kosovu zivi devedeset procenata albanskog zivlja te na taj način se stvorio utisak da ja potpuno legitimno da dobiju svoju nezavisnu drzavu. Nijedna TV ustanova nije objavila recenicu do kraja; da tamo zivi 90% albanskog zivlja zahvaljujuci cinjenici da su ti isti albanci proterali 40% nealbanskog zivlja i da se ti proterani ne usudjuju vratiti na svoja ognjišta. Kada bi se tu samo malo potrudilo, upoznati evropsku i svetsku javnost, nikad nebi bila ta javnost za ocepljenje Kosova jer bi to shvatila kao neku vrstu legalizacije nasilja pa ovi „globalisti“ nebi nikad dobili mandat svojih zemalja da se mešaju u unutrašnje stvari suverene države! Jugoslavija je izgubila medijski rat i sad više ne postoji. Ako se ništa ne preduzme po tom pitanju kako bi se u medijske kampanje uključila i dijaspora, kao sto se nazire i Srbija će izgubi medijski rat i proći kao sto je to prosla Jugoslavija. Jaka Rusija mogla bi nam asistirati ali kestenje moramo sami da vadimo iz vatre i to uz pomoc dijaspore. Kome je od interesa da se Dijaspora izključi iz politickih procesa Matice!? Onome kome to koristi, Srbiji i srpskom narodu sigurno to nije od koristi već od štete! Mora biti svakom jasno to da sve vlade koje ovako zapostavljaju dijasporu da rade protiv interesa svog naroda koji im je poverio mandat!

DN

Serbia huffs and puffs as Kosovo slips away

Serbia huffs and puffs as Kosovo slips away
Author: Borka Tomic, PR Manager for the Serbian Institute for Public Diplomacy, Brussels, Belgium
8 December 2007 – Issue : 759
Only a few days before the Troika deadline of December 10, adamant as ever, Belgrade clutched to international law. It asserts unyieldingly that any change in international presence in Kosovo can occur only through the new resolution of the UN Security Council. With SC permanent member Russia principally opposing any solution not approved by both Belgrade and Pristina, Resolution 1244 remains the only legal act of the Security Council in Kosovo.
Indeed, three other legal acts confirm the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Serbia in its southern province: the UN Charter, the Helsinki Act, and the Serbian Constitution. While the legal aspects of the Kosovo issue have been taken lightly in the past by the west, it becomes increasingly difficult to maintain the negligence of international law in the future Kosovo prospects. Pushing forward for independence is not exactly the “European policy” on the issue, but it seems that the acceptance of the “unavoidability of independence” is. The European Parliament rapporteur for Kosovo, Joost Langedijk, thus stated at a recent Balkans Summit in Brussels that “the independence of Kosovo is not a happy, but inevitable solution.” Peter Sain ley Berry, another political pundit expressed similar concern: “There is still the real prospect of new violence in the Balkans following a likely unilateral and illegal declaration of independence by the Kosovo authorities, as well as the rather shameful likelihood of the EU putting expediency before legality and recognising the illegal act rather than facing up to its own divisions.”
Serbia , for its part, is not wasting time. Its diplomatic efforts, focused on demonstrating the full democratic capacity of the country, seem to be bearing fruit. Harsher standpoint on Kosovo by the populist Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica is combined with softer but no less easy-going powers of arguments of the Serbian Deputy Prime Minister Bozidar Djelic. While legalist Kostunica concentrates on the framework of Serbian sovereignty and territorial integrity, pragmatic Djelic offers concrete monetary and fiscal, as well as cultural independence and the opportunity for Kosovo to develop as a region within Serbia and the EU in the future.
Bozidar Djelic excludes military actions of Serbia in Kosovo: “Serbia will use all its diplomatic and legal means and not force in Kosovo.” In case of Kosovo Albanian proclamation of unilateral independence, “all conceivable measures short of military force could be envisaged” according to Serbia’s Foreign Minister Vuk Jeremic, who did not divulge the details of the action plan.
“Serbia doesn’t intend to rule over Kosovo Albanians” reaffirmed Serbian Deputy Prime Minister Djelic recently in Brussels. He also emphasised the political inclusion of Albanians of the Presevo valley, southern Serbia. It is here that the day of the Albanian flag, November 28, was celebrated without incidents and with considerable tolerance on the Serbian side for Albanian flag and national symbols.
On the other hand, in Urosevac, southern Serbia (Kosovo), Greek KFOR soldiers, were allegedly ordered by the Americans to stop the distribution of presents (containing the Serbian flag) by Kosovo Bishop Artemije, as the Albanians present at the occasion protested that this was frustrating for them. Other inconsistencies in international approach to the Kosovo crisis remain.
While the media does not fail to emphasise the estimation that 90 percent (around 1.9 million) of Albanians want independent Kosovo, not many focus on what the remaining 7.5 million people of Serbia want. There is a general feeling among even the younger Serbian generations that the country has paid enough for its Milosevic period; that it paid it back already by suffering economic sanctions, international isolation, extradition of almost all fugitives to the Hague tribunal, not to mention NATO bombing, scars of which are still visible. Kosovo price would lead Serbia to total political, economic and cultural “bankruptcy.”
In search of a compromised European solution for Kosovo this should not be undermined. Neither should be the basic European democratic values. Questioning the long-term consequences of a unilateral declaration of independence by Kosovo, there still is time for Europe to bring the sides closer by working towards realising their “mutual aspirations” which, though rare, still exist e.g. EU enlargement and this can help in crafting a “European Kosovo policy”.